On June 9, 2022, the supreme court of the self-proclaimed Donetsk People’s Republic, the territories claimed by pro-Russian separatists in eastern Ukraine, sentenced to death three individuals—Aiden Aslin and Shaun Pinner from the United Kingdom and Brahim Saaudun from Morocco. These three people were captured while fighting alongside the Ukrainian forces in the port city of Mariupol, but what were two British nationals and a Moroccan doing on the front lines of the Ukraine conflict? They are among the many foreign fighters who decided to volunteer to fight the Russian invasion as part of the Ukrainian Foreign Legion initiative.
Drivers for the Phenomenon of Foreign Fighters
The war in Ukraine has brought attention to a general and historical phenomenon of foreign fighters—those individuals who decide to leave their home to take part in a war in another country and for another nation or group. A review of foreign fighters traveling from the United States to conflict areas between 1980 and 2015, identifies 242 individuals who departed from more than 100 cities in 25 states. The ongoing war in Ukraine and other conflicts in the modern era, especially those with massive media attention, have drawn volunteers who were willing to take part in war for personal reasons. Some are drawn to the prospect of adventure and being part of historical events and processes. Others who may suffer from economic stress or social marginalization recognize an opportunity for a new life. Many are driven by ideological beliefs, identifying with one of the combating sides or the general cause, whether it is religious, moral, or political.
Occasionally, the local parties institutionalize the process of recruiting foreign fighters, making it easier for individuals to join the ranks and for leadership to manage and employ these personnel. This is a delicate and complicated process given that many of the volunteers do not have proper training, and they often do not even speak the local language. Notable historical examples are the British Battalion in the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War, which attracted many foreigners including Ernest Hemingway, and the First American Volunteer Group, nicknamed the Flying Tigers, that worked with the Republic of China Air Force during World War II.
A more recent example is the International Legion of Defense of Ukraine, which is part of the Ukrainian war effort. The legion started as an initiative, and a plea for assistance from international supporters, following the 2014 Russian incursion in eastern Ukraine. It resulted in more than 1,000 volunteers organized into 30 battalions that took part in the battles to stop the pro-Russian separatists in the Donbas. When Russia invaded eastern and southeastern Ukraine in February 2022, this legion of volunteers was institutionalized, receiving broad government support and visibility. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy issued an official call for foreigners to join the fighting, saying: “Anyone who wants to join the defense of Ukraine, Europe and the world can come and fight side by side with the Ukrainians against the Russian war criminals.” The state’s foreign minister also invited foreigners to join the fight to “defend Ukraine and the world order…”
With government backing, the International Legion of Defense of Ukraine has been actively recruiting worldwide, using the state’s embassies as conscription hubs and providing information online on government websites. According to some estimates, the number of foreign fighters in the Ukrainian legion stands at about 20,000. The volunteers receive a contract for the duration of the war, a monthly salary, and are organized in all-volunteer units. They go through bootcamp and training, and later they are incorporated into the military effort where they take part in the fighting alongside standard Ukrainian military units. The recruitment webpages frame these volunteers’ contributions as a fight for freedom and democracy with statements such as “Save the world. Stand with Ukraine,” and “Freedom is a choice. Join the brave!”
A few years ago, a similar phenomenon was framed very differently and considered a major source of concern for governments across the world. This is when citizens decided to join conflicts in the Global South. Some were looking for adventure, like Chris Jeon, a UCLA student who decided to spend his summer vacation with Libyan rebels fighting the dictator Muammar Gaddafi during the Arab Spring. Others were driven by ideological views of justice or a form of activism. An Austrian fighter who joined the People’s Defense Units (YPG) in its fight against the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) explained that “I want to help people. What ISIS is doing is very bad and the whole world is looking and nobody support. I think we have to stop them here before they come back to our homes in Europe.”
However, most of the volunteers in that wave joined radical groups and jihadist organizations, such as Boko Haram in Nigeria, Al-Qaeda-affiliated groups in Syria and Mali, and ISIS-affiliated groups in central Asia. Many foreign fighters rationalized their decision to join the Middle Eastern Conflicts with religious or ideological reasons. Within this wave, ISIS demonstrated one of the most sophisticated models of institutionalization of international recruitment. They used a host of social media platforms, discussion forums, effective propaganda videos, and local recruiters to recruit volunteers from more than 90 countries. ISIS used predatory tactics, taking advantage of social and economic marginalization of individuals, promising them a mate and the opportunity to become the “savior” or the “care giver.” A 2015 report estimated that more than 30,000 foreigners have joined the Islamic State.
Opportunities for Exploitation
The phenomenon of foreign fighters has been associated with unique challenges and concerns. First, fighting under another nation’s banner raise issues of exploitation. Serving in a military—a total institution—is associated with in infringement of civilian rights. Yet, while serving one’s own country usually entails a level of legal protection, oversight, and accountability, performing the same tasks for another country does not necessarily guarantee the protection of basic civil rights. This is especially true if fighters join nonstate actors, such as rebel groups, where the oversight mechanisms are even weaker and organizational norms might be questionable. For example, a study on suicide bombers in the Iraqi insurgency showed that most suicide bombers were not Iraqi nationals, but instead foreign fighters from Europe. In 2015, the Australian government accused ISIS of using foreign fighters as cannon fodder, arguing that ISIS first lured vulnerable youth and then exploited them in a way that led to their death.
In Ukraine, the same issue was raised by volunteers. News reports have included testimonials from fighters, describing unprofessional or even unsafe environments, including deficiencies of basic gear, such as weapons or winter cloths, abusive command, poor organization, and the quality of manpower within the legion. Volunteers have also reported being used as cannon fodder. While these accounts may not be representative of all volunteers’ experiences, they stress the complexity and challenges associated with this type of arrangement.
With the conflict area, foreign fighters’ participation has the potential to escalate violence, through their own actions or by inadvertently involving their country of origin in the conflict. Violence against civilians may increase due to the involvement of foreign combatants. In the Libya civil wars, the participation of foreign fighters has been associated with mercenaryism and with a spike in human rights violations. A UN report describes systematic torture, unlawful detention and punishment, and general abuse of civil rights laws by foreign fighters and private military companies. An attempt to attract foreign fighters and international support can also lead to escalation, with different violent nonstate actors attempting to “outbid” their local competition and gain notoriety and international attention. The participation of foreign fighters can also escalate conflict when their own country must intervene due to an event involving their citizens. For example, a spectacle of violence in which foreign nationals are harmed may invite military intervention. A regional or local event, such as the Syrian Civil War, was a breeding ground for ISIS and brought an international military intervention focused on stopping the organization.
What Happens When the Fighting Stops?
When the fighting ends, the repercussions of the foreign fighter phenomenon linger. The returning fighters, often trained for combat, may be traumatized and possibly radicalized, posing a new set of challenges to their home countries. The reintegration of war veterans back into society is a complicated task, even with government backing and funding. Individuals who independently participated in foreign conflicts are not entitled to veteran care and similar government assistance, a type of care that is tailored for those type of experiences. Without a safety net or support, returning fighters may be more likely to become detached from society, breeding unintended consequences. There is also concern that these individuals may use their newly acquired combat skills domestically for criminal enterprises or terrorism. For instance, the 2015 attacks in Paris and the 2016 attack in Brussels were executed by ISIS returnees. Such attacks have created controversy around foreign fighters who have been captured, leading to a unique and odd situation where states refuse to repatriate citizens who have fought for organizations like ISIS and, in some cases, have even revoked their citizenship.
Conclusion
Although discussions about volunteers in the Ukrainian Foreign Legion are still underway and the implications of this wave of foreign fighters are still developing, there are already some noticeable trends and sociological lessons that we can identify. The institutionalization of recruitment and employment of fighters offers insights on state mobilization. The symbolism of foreign fighters and the framing of this effort in the Ukrainian war narratives, linking popular support to just cause, has been identified as a principal tool for recruitment and propaganda. Fighters’ motivations to join, mostly associated with ideological discourses, accentuate the role of messaging and framing in mobilization. The entire process also stresses the significance of global communities and networks, as strangers relate with a cause or idea and decide to travel across continents and risk their lives in the name of this connection. As the conflict evolves, scholars can critically examine this trend, its mechanics, and its implications.
Any opinions expressed in the articles in this publication are those of the author and not the American Sociological Association.
